Child welfare concerns of girls in Kakuma have not been addressed systematically. UNHCR has contracted for the services of a series of consultants to address child welfare issues including an effort to learn the situation of unaccompanied girls. This document provides an overview of information gathered to date with recommendations for improving the situation of unaccompanied girls in the camp.

A test sample of 33 Sudanese girls was interviewed intensively with collateral information gathered to assess their situation. Sudanese men and women were interviewed to provide a cultural context of child raising practices.

It is found that Sudanese girls suffer from the same gender-based difficulties that adult women face. Unaccompanied girls have virtually no support system and therefore are even more vulnerable that the general female population. Twenty-four of the 33 girls interviewed are living in abusive situations by the standards of their own culture.

It is recommended that unaccompanied girls be systematically identified and that their Best Interest be determined. Based on findings so far, it is recommended that social services, medical care providers and education systems become more sensitive to the plight of unaccompanied girls and consider outreach programming to include them in services.

Girls in Kakuma have been overlooked in child welfare services. Gender services provide some help but are not always able to help those under age. Girls living without their parents lead even more difficult lives than the others and may have no one to turn to for help.

Kakuma has more than 1600 unaccompanied and separated children registered in the Psychosocial program of Lutheran World Federation. Of those, only about 80 are girls. The Psychosocial program is charged with providing foster or group care for children with no family, the unaccompanied children (UAC). They also follow up to monitor the well-being of those who live with a non-parental relative, the separated children (SC). The way UAC and separated children have been identified has changed during the last few years resulting in at least a few girls being identified. However, any unaccompanied girl who arrived before 1998 is not registered and is not receiving services.

To address these and other child welfare concerns, UNHCR has requested the services of a series of consultants. I am the fourth child welfare consultant working In Kakuma Refugee Camp, Kenya during 1999 and 2000. We have been charged with the overall objective to work with the unaccompanied and separated children in Kakuma to determine that their best interests are being considered. To date that has involved working primarily with boys who are registered and being cared for in group and foster care.

However, as part of my scope of work for the UAM consultancy, I am expected to examine the situation of unaccompanied or separated girls in Kakuma and determine what steps may be taken to ensure that their Best Interest is being considered. A significant sub-task is to identify those girls and young women still in Kakuma who arrived unaccompanied with the original gLost Boysh but who were not registered in group or foster care.

To get an overview of the circumstances of separated and unaccompanied girls in Kakuma, I received referrals from numerous sources and I tried to choose girls in a variety of situations. Thirty-eight girls were chosen for Best Interest interviews. Of the 38, 33 were actually found and were able to complete an interview. Girls chosen for Best Interest Determination were interviewed using the same format used for interviewing boys.

For the test sample, I tried to get as wide a variety of girls as was feasible in the circumstances. The situation of girls, in general, and of unaccompanied girls, in particular, is not well known. Most unaccompanied girls are not documented as unaccompanied. Therefore, it is not possible to know exactly how representative the test group is of all unaccompanied girls in Kakuma. It is possible that the girls interviewed are is more difficult circumstances than other girls in Kakuma. Nevertheless, I believe that the information gathered so far gives a useful picture of the target subset of the Kakuma population.

I also talked to Sudanese men and women about customs relating to traditional childhood and child-care practices in order to have a context for understanding family situations in Kakuma. Much more exploration of the cultural context will be helpful, especially as we try to devise solutions to problems.

14 to 17 years old

UAC or SC

Living in different areas in camp

Some with and some without dependants

Various arrival dates

Different Sudanese ethnic backgrounds

Characteristics of the test group: N=33

Unaccompanied vs. separated

20 unaccompanied, 13 separated

Ages

14 girls of age 17

11 girls of age 16

5 girls of age 15

2 girls of age 14

1 girl of age 12

Ethnic group

6 Nuer, 6 Equatorial, 21 Dinka

Arrival date in Kakuma

13 arrived 1992

4 arrived 1993

1 arrived 1995

4 arrived 1997

2 arrived 1998

9 arrived 1999

With or without siblings or dependants

13 have siblings or children

20 do not have sibs or children

Area in Kakuma

11 in Zone 1

4 in Zone 2

5 in Zone 3

5 in Zone 4

7 in Zone 5

1 in Protection

Southern Sudanese societies, in common with all societies, have an ideal about how they care for children and arrange marriages. However, even in peaceful times people cannot always behave in the ideal manner. Now that war has affected the society for so many years, it is even more difficult for children and especially girls to be cared for and protected in the way that meets the highest standards of the Southern Sudanese cultures.

In the traditional culture, a girl lived at home with both parents until her marriage which took place a year or so after her first menstrual period. When very small, both boys and girls usually stayed with their mothers in the main villages. At about 6 years of age they began to have small jobs helping with cattle, getting firewood and water. From 6 to 12 years old, boys took care of baby cows at the village when the mother cows went out to graze. About 9 years old, girls milked cows for people, gave milk to the small children and then to the old people.

If a man had relatives in town, the boys could go live in town and attend school. Girls almost never had the chance to do so unless the family was living in town and recognised the value of education. If they did not attend school, at about 12 years boys would begin taking on harder jobs like helping their mother dig the ground for planting. They began to have major responsibility for taking the cattle out to graze, making corrals and other cattle tending tasks. They would do this work with increasing levels of competence until they married at about the age of 30.

Girls gradually began to learn the house jobs like cleaning the dishes, bringing water, caring for younger children. Before 16 they also helped in the cattle camps. If the father was rich enough, he gave a girl 3 cows to use the milk to make butter and cheese to sell. She could use the money to buy more cows which belonged to her. By 16 years old girls knew all the womanfs jobs so when they married they would know how to manage a house. At 16 they usually returned to the main village to help mother until their marriage.

Both boys and girls were corrected by being beaten when they did not work properly. They were beaten with a green stick as thick as a thumb. If someone used a bigger stick or their hand other adults would often intervene. Children should be hit only on the buttocks or thighs. After 14 years of age, adults would try explaining the correct way first but if a girl did not comply, she would be hit. Boys were usually not hit after 14 or so.

Marriages were arranged by the men of the families involved. Some men consulted their wives who usually wanted their daughters to marry somewhat later than the men wanted. The young women were frequently not aware of the marriage plans until the time of the marriage. Since young men married at age 30 or later and girls at 16, there has traditionally been an age discrepancy between husbands and wives. Girls left their home to go to the home of their husband when the dowry had been paid--up to 100 cattle for a high status girl. A girlfs status depended mainly on the dowry of her mother but also on her homemaking skills and demeanor when welcoming guests. Men could have as many wives as they could afford to support. It seems to have been unusual to have 5 wives; common to have 2. However, there seems not to be a limit and we know some children whose father had 8 wives.

If a husband or his family mistreated a woman or her children, her father and brothers would be her support and would intervene. Simply the threat that someone was aware would usually ensure good treatment. In extreme situations, a woman could return to her fatherfs home with her children to achieve safety.

If a man died, it was customary for his widow to marry his brother and for the brother to become responsible to support her and her children. The oldest brother must marry first so if he died without marrying the family would arrange a gghost marriage.h The wife of the gghosth would be impregnated by other members of the dead manfs family and then would live with and be supported by his brothers.

When Nuer, Dinka and other southern Sudanese societies were not embroiled in the current war, these customs functioned to ensure that all women and children were supported. While men had the decision-making power, they had emotional bonds with their sisters, daughters and wives which tempered their power. They were responsible to provide material support and achieved high status if they did so well. Paying a high dowry proved that a man was a good provider and would be able to provide well for his children. Since the dowry was usually raised by the extended family, the dowry system functioned to strengthen the bonds among the extended family members.

Conditions of war and refugee life have brought about changes in the customs which do not always create peaceful and stable family life. Families are separated by death or by the necessity of the men to join the fighting forces. Many men spend so much time away from their families and involved in the brutalities of war that they do not really remember how to be gentle and kind with their wives and children. Children are orphaned or cannot join their parents because war makes their home situation unsafe. Large numbers of children have no adult to take responsibility for them. Even when relatives do take a child in to their home, they have such limited resources that they cannot treat the child like their own child and the child suffers. Girls are known to be a resource for future wealth so distant relatives and even strangers take them in to their homes. However, even when care has been kindly when the girl is small, there is great incentive for the foster family to arrange an early marriage for her. The girls may not be able to depend on support from the foster family if her husband mistreats her or her children.

In refugee camps, girls have as much opportunity for education as boys, leading to culture clash with families who want the girl to remain at home and carry on the house work as would be her traditional role. In Kenya, where they see other African women competently carrying out responsible jobs; Sudanese girls aspire to do the same. For girls with no parents to depend on, the foster family wants help with house work and may be even more reluctant than biological parents to allow the girls to continue their studies. Since beating is the traditional way used to get a girl to comply, foster girls are often beaten when they do not complete work to the satisfaction of the family and when they refuse a marriage arranged for them.

Girls in foster situations or living with non-parental relatives often believe that they will not be able to depend on their foster family or relatives to arrange a good marriage or support them when they have difficulties. They believe that education is their safety; if they are in an abusive marriage in the future, they can support themselves and their children if they have education. Therefore, they are more insistent than girls living with parents on continuing their schooling, Girls and foster families can find themselves in a cycle of increasing abuse as the girls reach the age at which they might traditionally be expected to stop school and assume much responsibility at home. The families want workers and cows; the girls want education and safety.

The girls who were interviewed as part of the test group are living in circumstances which reflect the cultural norms expressed above. I interviewed each girl for at least one hour and in some cases collected collateral information about her situation. For each girl, I wrote a Best Interest Recommendation and the cases are being reviewed by the UAC Working Group in the same way that boysf cases are examined.

15 have unmet health concerns: 7 severe, 8 moderate

Of the girls in the test group 15 had unresolved medical conditions. Of those 7 were severe. For example, 1 girl has constant pain from internal injuries which resulted from being raped while escaping from Sudan to Kenya. Eight of the girls had moderate physical complaints. For example, chronic stomach pain from worms, chest pains from overwork and similar complaints. The others are healthy except for the common complaints of malaria, fevers and related concerns.

6 girls live in inadequate housing

General physical conditions were poor for 6 of the girls in the test group. For example, some had to sleep outside frequently or had no housing. The others had conditions similar to those of other refugees in Kakuma. However, for girls living alone or only with minor siblings, the general deterioration of housing in Kakuma poses a risk since they cannot always sleep in safety.

24 girls are living in moderately to severely abusive situations

Of those interviewed, only 7 are judged to be receiving adequate care. The other 28 are in moderately to severely abusive situations. Even of the 7 receiving adequate care, however, some are not abused by their caregivers because they are living alone or only with other siblings.

Of the 28 girls living in abusive situations the type of abuse varies.

10 girls are beaten severely and frequently

As noted in the section on cultural practices, it is customary to teach and control children by hitting. When interviewing, I tried to separate the ordinary hitting which is not considered abusive by Southern Sudanese from the more serious battering which seems to constitute abuse even by cultural standards.

Using that distinction, 10 girls are beaten severely and frequently.

15 of the girls are expected to work so much that they have no time for study or leisure

Fifteen of the girls are expected to do all or most of the work in their households to the extent that they cannot have any time for study or leisure.

17 of the girls are prevented from school attendance

Seventeen of the girls are always or sometimes prevented from attending school.

5 girls have already been sent against their will to be married

12 fear that they will soon be forced to marry

Seventeen of the girls are fearful of early or forced marriage. Of these 17, 5 have already experienced forced, early marriage.

3 girls have been raped

Three girls have experienced rape during their escape. All three continue to have unresolved physical concerns from the experience.

5 girls have experienced other sexual abuse

Five girls experienced other sexual abuse ranging from forced fondling to near rapes which they were able to escape from.

4 girls have suspected sexual abuse

For 4 girls, I think sexual abuse, possibly rape, may have occurred but the girl did not fully disclose the abuse. Their body language, interview statements and reports of dreams lead me to suspect sexual abuse. However, a more intense therapeutic relationship will have to be developed before the girl will feel comfortable to disclose her ordeal more fully.

16 girls have severe unresolved trauma symptoms

This trauma is manifested in startle reflex, nightmares, sleeplessness.

15 girls have moderate to severe anxiety symptoms

14 girls have moderate to severe symptoms of depression

In some cases the girlsf religious belief gives them some hope to counteract their depression. However, several of the girls were depressed enough to be at risk of suicide.

1 girl has strong feelings of grief

One girl had such grief and sadness at her motherfs recent death, combined with anxiety about how she would care for her young siblings, that other symptoms were suppressed.

Since the procedures in Kakuma for Determining Best Interest are now clear, the girls in the test group were examined within the same system. After interview and information collection, a Best Interest Determination was made with a recommendation for a Durable Solution.

Main Best Interest Recommendation

3 girls - No Further Action Needed

9 girls - Social Service intervention Needed

18 girls - Resettlement

2 girls - Tracing

1 girl - Recommendation deferred until further info received

Some general conclusions about the situation of unaccompanied and separated girls (under 18) in Kakuma

The difficulties Sudanese women face in Kakuma also affect all girls regardless of their living situation. Girls living without their own biological parents are more vulnerable than those living with parents. Girls living without parents or relatives, the unaccompanied girls, are most vulnerable and may have no support system at all.

Girls living with people who are not their close relatives are subject to very harsh conditions and have little recourse from child abuse even when their conditions are considered abusive by Sudanese standards.

In Kakuma there is a lack of organised system of family intervention for situations of child abuse. The gender program can sometimes help but there needs to be some focus on special help for under-age girls who are abused.

Individual social service intervention may help in some cases but the problems are so widespread that we need to encourage programs of education and family intervention so that all girls may benefit.

Many girls, and especially unaccompanied girls, see education as their safety. Yet one of the harsh facts of girlsf life in Kakuma is that many are prohibited by their foster parents or relatives from attending school. Even if they can attend school, they have so much work at home that they have little time to study and find it difficult to achieve success in school.

Overall there appears to be a difference in the situations of those who have been in camp since 92-94, compared to those who have come during the last couple of years. Those who entered Kakuma during the early years of the camp have had more trauma prior to arrival and have suffered harsh conditions in Kakuma. Recent arrivals may have experienced traumatic situations prior to entering Kakuma and difficulties since arrival but by comparison are somewhat better off than the early arrivals.